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{{Infobox Country or territory|native_name = Northern IrelandTuaisceart ÉireannNorlin AirlannThe Union Flag is the official flag used by the government to represent Northern Ireland. The former official flag, the Ulster Banner, continues to be used by groups (such as some sports teams) representing the territory in an unofficial manner (see Northern Ireland flags issue).])"Who shall separate?"|national_anthem = "God Save the Queen""Londonderry Air"(de facto)] (de facto), Irish language and Ulster Scots language|capital = Belfast|leader_name1 = [Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom|leader_title2 = Prime Minister of the United Kingdom|leader_name2 = Gordon Brown MPs elected in the United Kingdom general election, 2005|leader_title3 = First Minister of Northern Ireland|leader_name3 = Ian Paisley MPs elected in the United Kingdom general election, 2005 Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly elected in 2007|leader_title4 = Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland|leader_name4 = |leader_title5 = Secretary of State for Northern Ireland|leader_name5 = Shaun Woodward MPs elected in the United Kingdom general election, 2005|sovereignty_type = Establishment|established_event1 = |established_date1 = 1920|area_rank =|area_magnitude = 1 E10|area_km2 = 13,843|area_sq_mi = 5,345|percent_water =|population_estimate = 1,710,300|population_estimate_rank =|population_estimate_year = 2004|population_census = 1,685,267|population_census_year = 2001|population_density_km2 = 122|population_density_sq_mi = 315|population_density_rank =|GDP_PPP = $33.2 billion|GDP_PPP_year = 2002|GDP_PPP_per_capita = $19,603|currency = Pound sterling|calling_code = 44|calling_code_note = |patron_saint = [St. Patrick|footnote1 = Norlin Airlann is a neologism which was not used by Scots language speakers historically, but which has some official usage. The spelling Norn Iron is often used by indigenous speakers as an affectionate phonetic spelling to reflect local pronunciation.|footnote2 = Languages in the United Kingdom: Northern Ireland has no official language; the use of English has been established through precedent. Irish and Ulster Scots are officially recognised minority languages|footnote3 = Also .eu, as part of the European Union, and .ie shared with Republic of Ireland. ISO 3166-1 is Great Britain, but .gb is unused.]|footnote5 = In common with the Republic of Ireland.-->

Northern Ireland (, Ulster Scots language: Norlin Airlann) is a constituent country of the United Kingdom lying in the northeast of the island of Ireland, covering 5,459 square miles (14,139 Square kilometre, about a sixth of the island's total area). As of the United Kingdom Census 2001, its population was 1,685,000, between a quarter and a third of the island's total population.

Northern Ireland consists of Counties of Northern Ireland of the nine counties of the Provinces of Ireland of Ulster. In the UK, it is generally known as one of the four Home Nations that form the Kingdom.The Northern Ireland Act 1998 describes Northern Ireland as "part of the United Kingdom". The term "constituent country" is sometimes applied to Northern Ireland by Unionist (Ireland)s and British sources.  . The term is rejected by most Irish Nationalists. Some of these terms have controversial implications in relation to political ideologies concerning the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. The remainder of the island of Ireland is a sovereign state, the Republic of Ireland.

As an administrative division of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland was defined by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and has had its own form of devolved government in a similar manner to Scotland and Wales. The Northern Ireland Assembly, established in 1998, has been suspended multiple times but was restored on 8 May, 2007.The Assembly operates on consociational democracy principles requiring cross community support. Due to a lack of cross party support, the Assembly was prorogued by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland's Northern Ireland law descends from the pre-1920 Irish legal system (as does the legal system of the Republic of Ireland), and is therefore based on common law. It is separate from the jurisdictions of English law or Scots law. "For the purposes of the English conflict of laws, every country in the world which is not part of England and Wales is a foreign country and its foreign laws. This means that not only totally foreign independent countries such as France or Russia... are foreign countries but also British Colonies such as the Falkland Islands. Moreover, the other parts of the United Kingdom - Scotland and Northern Ireland - are foreign countries for present purposes, as are the other British Islands, the Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey." Conflict of Laws, JG Collier, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Cambridge and lecturer in Law, University of Cambridge

Northern Ireland has been for many years the site of a violent and bitter ethno-political conflict between those claiming to represent Nationalists (Ireland), who are predominantly Catholic, and those claiming to represent Unionists (Ireland), who are predominantly Protestant.Northern Ireland LIFE & TIMES survey. Question: Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a unionist, nationalist or neither?, ARK Research, 2005 In general, Nationalists want Northern Ireland to be unified with the Republic of Ireland, and Unionists want it to remain part of the United Kingdom. Unionists are in the majority in Northern Ireland, though Nationalists represent a significant minority. In general, Protestants consider themselves British and Catholics see themselves as Irish but there are some who see themselves as both British and Irish. People from Northern Ireland are entitled to both British and Irish citizenship (see #Citizenship and identity). The campaigns of violence have become known popularly as The Troubles. The majority of both sides of the community have had no direct involvement in the violent campaigns waged. Since the signing of the Belfast Agreement (also known as the Good Friday Agreement or the G.F.A.) in 1998, many of the major paramilitary campaigns have either been on ceasefire or have declared their war to be over.

History ; for events before 1900 see Ulster or History of Ireland.

The area now known as Northern Ireland has had a diverse history. From serving as the bedrock of Nine Years War (Ireland) in the era of the Plantations of Irelands of Elizabeth I of England and James I of England in other parts of Ireland, it became the subject of major planting of Scotland and England settlers after the Flight of the Earls in 1607 (when the Gaels aristocracy fled to Catholic Europe).

The all-island Kingdom of Ireland (1541—1800) merged into the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801 under the terms of the Act of Union 1800, under which the kingdoms of Kingdom of Ireland and Kingdom of Great Britain merged under a government and monarchy based in London. In the early 20th century, Unionists (Ireland), led by Edward Carson (generally regarded as the founder of Northern Ireland), opposed the introduction of Home Rule in Ireland. Unionists (Ireland) were in a minority on the island of Ireland as a whole, but were a majority in the northern province of Ulster, a very large majority in the counties of County Antrim and County Down, small majorities in the counties of County Armagh and County Londonderry, with substantial numbers also concentrated in the nationalist-majority counties of County Fermanagh and County Tyrone. These six counties, containing an overall unionist majority, would later form Northern Ireland.

The clash between the British House of Commons and British House of Lords over the controversial budget of Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd-George produced the Parliament Act 1911, which enabled the veto of the Lords to be overturned. Given that the Lords had been the unionists' main guarantee that a home rule act would not be enacted, because of the majority of pro-unionist peers in the House, the Parliament Act made Home Rule a likely prospect in Ireland. Opponents to Home Rule, from Conservative Party (UK) leaders like Andrew Bonar Law to militant unionists in Ireland, threatened the use of violence, producing the Larne Gun Running incident in 1912, when they smuggled thousands of rifles and rounds of ammunition from Imperial Germany for the Ulster Volunteer Force. Lord Randolph Churchill famously told a unionist audience in Ulster that "Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right".

The prospect of civil war in Ireland was seen by some as likely. In 1914, the Third Home Rule Act, which contained provision for a temporary partition, received the Royal Assent. Its implementation was suspended for the duration of the intervening First World War, which was expected to last only a few weeks, but, in fact, lasted four years.

By the end of the war, the Act was seen as dead in the water, with public opinion in the majority nationalist community having moved from a demand for home rule to something more substantial: independence. David Lloyd George proposed in 1919 a new bill which would divide Ireland into two Home Rule areas, twenty-six counties being ruled from Dublin, six being ruled from Belfast, with a shared Lord Lieutenant of Ireland appointing both executives and a Council of Ireland, which Lloyd George believed would evolve into an all-Ireland parliament.

Partition of Ireland, partition of Ulster Ireland was partitioned in 1921 under the terms of the Government of Ireland Act 1920. Six of the nine Ulster counties in the north-east formed Northern Ireland and the remaining three counties joined those of Leinster, Munster and Connacht to form Southern Ireland. Whilst the former came into being, the latter had only a momentary existence to ratify (in United Kingdom law) the Anglo-Irish Treaty that ended the Anglo-Irish War.

Under the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Northern Ireland was provisionally scheduled to be included in the Irish Free State, though it could opt out should the Parliament of Northern Ireland elect so to do. Anglo-Irish Treaty, sections 11, 12 As expected, it did so immediately. Once that happened, as provided for, an Irish Boundary Commission came into being, to decide on the territorial boundaries between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Though leaders in Dublin expected a substantial reduction in the territory of Northern Ireland, with nationalist areas like south Armagh, Tyrone, southern Londonderry and urban territories like Derry and Newry moving to the Free State, the Boundary Commission decided against this. This decision was approved by the Dail in Dublin by a vote of 71 to 20.http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0013/D.0013.192512100009.html The Council of Ireland provided for in the Government of Ireland Act 1920, and in the Treaty, to link Northern Ireland eventually to the Irish Free State within 50 years was removed.Anglo-Irish Treaty. Section 13.

1925 to the present In June 1940, to encourage the Irish state to join with the Allies, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill indicated to the Taoiseach Éamon de Valera that the United Kingdom would push for United Ireland, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer."Anglo-Irish Relations, 1939—41: A Study in Multilateral Diplomacy and Military Restraint" in Twentieth Century British History (Oxford Journals, 2005). ISSN 1477-4674. The British did not inform the Northern Ireland government that they had made the offer to the Dublin government, and De Valera's rejection was not publicized until 1970.

The Ireland Act 1949 gave the first legal guarantee to the Parliament of Northern Ireland and Government of Northern Ireland that Northern Ireland would not cease to be part of the United Kingdom without consent of the majority of its citizens, and this was most recently reaffirmed by the Northern Ireland Act 1998. This status was echoed in the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, which was signed by the governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. Bunreacht na hÉireann, the constitution of the Republic, was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of the "Irish nation" to sovereignty over the whole of Ireland (in Article 2), a claim qualified by an acknowledgement that the southern state only could exercise legal control over the territory formerly known as the Irish Free State. The new Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland, added to the Bunreacht to replace the earlier articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status of Northern Ireland, and its relationships within the United Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, would only be changed with the agreement of a majority of voters in Northern Ireland. An acknowledgement that a decision on whether to remain in the United Kingdom or join the Republic of Ireland rests with the people of Northern Ireland was also central to the Belfast Agreement, which was signed in 1998 and ratified by plebiscites held simultaneously in both Northern Ireland and the Republic.A plebiscite within Northern Ireland on whether it should remain in the United Kingdom, or join the Republic, was held in 1973. The vote went heavily in favour (98.9%) of maintaining the status quo with approximately 57.5% of the total electorate voting in support, but most nationalists boycotted the poll (see Northern Ireland referendum, 1973 for more). Though legal provision remains for holding another plebiscite, and former Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble some years ago advocated the holding of such a vote, no plans for such a vote have been adopted as of 2007.

8 May 2007 Home rule returned to Northern Ireland. DUP leader Ian Paisley and Sinn Féin's Martin McGuinness took office as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively (BBC).

Lives lost and injured in the "Troubles" Bombings in Great Britain tended to have had more publicity, since attacks there were comparatively rare (in the context of the troubles); indeed 93% of killings happened in Northern Ireland. Republican paramilitaries have contributed to nearly 60% (2056) of these. Loyalists have killed nearly 28% (1020) while the security forces have killed just over 11% (362) with 9% percent of those attributed to the British Army.

Civilians killed Civilians account for the highest death toll at 53% or 1798 fatalities. Loyalist paramilitaries account for a higher proportion of civilian deaths (those with no military or paramilitary connection) according to figures published in Malcolm Sutton’s book, “Bear in Mind These Dead: An Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland 1969 - 1993”. According to research undertaken by the CAIN organisation, based on Sutton's work, 85.6% (873) of Loyalist killings, 52.9% (190) by the security forces and 35.9% (738) of all killings by Republican paramilitaries took the lives of civilians between 1969 and 2001. The disparity of a relatively high civilian death toll yet low Republican percentage is explained by the fact that they also had a high combatants' death toll.

Combatants killed Republican paramilitaries account for a higher proportion of combatants killed (those within paramilitaries or the military) Again from Malcolm Sutton's research, Republicans killed 1318 combatants, the security forces killed 192 and the Loyalists killed 147. Both Republicans and Loyalists killed more of their own than each other, over twice as many for Loyalists and nearly four times as many for Republicans.

80 people, mainly civilians, have died without any organisation claiming responsibility. The British Army has also lost 14 soldiers to Loyalists while the security forces overall in the Republic have lost 10 to Republicans.

According to a submission by Marie Smyth to the Northern Ireland Commission on Victims, 40,000 people have also been injured, though she believes that to be a conservative figure.

Demographics and politics The population of Northern Ireland was estimated as being 1,710,300 on 30 June 2004. In the 2001 census, 53.1% of the Northern Irish population were Protestant, (Presbyterian, Church of Ireland, Methodist and other Protestant denominations), 43.8% of the population were Roman Catholic, 0.4% Other and 2.7% none. CAIN: Background Information on Northern Ireland Society - Population and Vital Statistics BBC News: Fascination of religion head count

A plurality of the present-day population (40%) define themselves as Unionist (Ireland), 22% as Irish Nationalism and 35% define themselves as neither. Ark survey, 2005. Answer to the question "Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a unionist, a nationalist or neither?" According to a 2005 opinion poll, 58% express long term preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland's membership of the United Kingdom, while 23% express a preference for membership of a united Ireland. Ark survey, 2005. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it one of the following" This discrepancy can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants to remain a part of the UK (85%), while Catholic preferences are spread across a number of solutions to the constitutional question including remaining a part of the UK (25%), a united Ireland (50%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state (9%), and "don't know" (14%). Ark survey, 2005. Answers to the question "Do you think the long-term policy for Northern Ireland should be for it to [one of the following" Official voting figures, which reflect views on the "national question" along with issues of candidate, geography, personal loyalty and historic voting patterns, show 54% of Northern Ireland voters vote for Pro-Unionist parties, 42% vote for Pro-Nationalist parties and 4% vote "other". Opinion polls consistently show that the election results are not necessarily an indication of the electorate's stance regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.

Most of the population of Northern Ireland are at least nominally [Christian. The ethno-political loyalties are allied, though not absolutely, to the Roman Catholic and Protestant denominations and these are the labels used to categorise the opposing views. This is, however, becoming increasingly irrelevant as the Irish Question is very complicated. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are attracted to Unionism's National conservatism policies, while other voters are instead attracted to the traditionally leftist, nationalist Sinn Féin and Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and their respective party platforms for Democratic Socialism and Social Democracy. For the most part, Protestants feel a strong connection with Great Britain and wish for Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Catholics generally desire a greater connection with the Republic of Ireland, or are less certain about how to solve the constitutional question. In a survey by Northern Ireland Life and Times, quarter of Northern Irish Catholics were said to support Northern Ireland remaining a part of the United Kingdom (see Catholic Unionist). Despite this no Catholics in the survey stated they would vote for the Unionist Parties and only 5% would vote for the Alliance Party.

Protestants have a slight majority in Northern Ireland, according to the latest Northern Ireland Census. 2001 Census Cultural Profile for Northern Ireland The make-up of the Northern Ireland Assembly reflects the appeals of the various parties within the population. Of the 108 members, 59 are Unionists and 42 are Nationalists (the remaining seven are classified as "other"). The largest single religious denomination is the Roman Catholic Church, which comprises a plurality, followed by the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, the Church of Ireland (Anglicanism) and the Methodist Church.

The two opposing views of British unionism and Irish nationalism are linked to deeper cultural divisions. Unionists are overwhelmingly Protestantism, descendants of mainly Scotland, England, Wales and Huguenot settlers and Indigenous (ecology) Irishmen who had converted to one of the Protestant denominations.

Nationalists are predominantly Catholic and descend from the population predating the settlement, with a minority from Scottish Highlanders as well as some converts from Protestantism. Discrimination against nationalists under the Parliament Buildings (Northern Ireland) government (1921–1972) gave rise to the nationalist Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association in the 1960s. Professor John H. Whyte paper on discrimination in Northern Ireland Some Unionists argue that any discrimination was not just because of religious or political bigotry, but also the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-political and geographical factors. CAIN website key issues discrimination summary Whatever the cause, the existence of discrimination, and the manner in which Nationalist anger at it was handled, was a major contributing factor which led to the long-running conflict known as the Troubles. The political unrest went through its most violent phase in recent times between 1968 and 1994.Lord Scarman, "Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969: Report of Tribunal of Inquiry" Belfast: HMSO, Cmd 566. (known as the Scarman Report)

The main actors have been the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other republican groups who wish to bring about an end of the union with Great Britain, and various loyalist paramilitary groups who wish to maintain the union. The police force (the Royal Ulster Constabulary) and the British army were charged with maintaining law and order, though were frequently attacked by the nationalist community and republican paramilitaries who claimed that they were protagonists in the conflict.

As a consequence of the worsening security situation, self-government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Since mid-1997, the main paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, has observed a ceasefire. Following negotiations, the Belfast Agreement of 1998 provides for an elected Northern Ireland Assembly, and a power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive comprising representatives of all the main parties. These institutions were suspended by the British Government in 2002 after Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) allegations of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly (Stormontgate). The resulting case against the accused Sinn Féin member collapsed and the defendant later admitted to being a British agent. Politicians elected to the Assembly at the Northern Ireland Assembly election, 2003 were called together on 15 May 2006 under the Northern Ireland Act 2006 http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2006/20060017.htm for the purpose of electing a First Minister and Deputy First Minister and choosing the members of an Executive (before 25 November, 2006) as a preliminary to the restoration of devolved government in Northern Ireland. Another Northern Ireland Assembly election, 2007 was held on 7 March 2007 and this Assembly sat following the return of devolved government in May 2007

On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and has since decommissioned what is thought to be all of its arsenal. This final act of decommissioning was performed in accordance with the Belfast Agreement of 1998, and under the watch of the International Decommissioning Body and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however, remain sceptical. This IRA decommissioning is in contrast to Loyalist paramilitaries who have so far failed to decommission many weapons. It is not thought that this will have a major effect on further political progress as political parties linked to Loyalist paramilitaries do not attract significant support and will not be in a position to form part of a government in the near future. See Independent International Commission on Decommissioning

Citizenship and identity People from Northern Ireland can choose to be British nationality law on the same basis as people from any other part of the United Kingdom (e.g. by birth in the UK to at least one parent who is a UK permanent resident or citizen, or by naturalisation).

As an alternative to British citizenship, or in addition to British citizenship, people who were born in Northern Ireland on or before 31 December 2004 (and most persons born after this date) are entitled to claim Republic of Ireland citizenship.http://www.irishembassy.nl/html/pp_acquiring.html This was originally as a result of the Republic of Ireland extending Irish nationality law on an extra-territorial basis. First passed in 1956, the legislation was further developed in 2001 as a result of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, which stated that:

The two governments recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.

This was subsequently qualified by the Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland of the Constitution of Ireland, which stated that, "notwithstanding any other provision of Constitution," no-one would be automatically entitled to Irish citizenship unless they had at least one parent who was (or was entitled to be) an Irish citizen. The subsequent legislation (Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act of 2004) came into effect on 1 January 2005 and made Irish nationality law similar to British nationality law. This was in response to a large increase in the number of immigrants coming to Ireland whose children automatically acquired citizenship on birth. It was not specifically related to persons born in Northern Ireland.

Today, a constitutional right to Irish citizenship still exists for anyone who is both:

In general, Protestants in Northern Ireland see themselves primarily as being British, while Catholics regard themselves primarily as being Irish. Several studies and surveys performed between 1971 and 2006 show this.Breen, R., Devine, P. and Dowds, L. (editors), 1996. "Social Attitudes in Northern Ireland: The Fifth Report" ISBN 0-86281-593-2. Chapter 2 retrieved from http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/research/nisas/rep5c2.htm on August 24, 2006. Summary: In 1989—1994, 79% Protestants replied "British" or "Ulster", 60% of Catholics replied "Irish." Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:NINATID. Summary:72% of Protestants replied "British". 68% of Catholics replied "Irish". Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey. Module:Community Relations. Variable:BRITISH. Summary: 78% of Protestants replied "Strongly British." Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:IRISH. Summary: 77% of Catholics replied "Strongly Irish."Institute of Governance, 2006. "National identities in the UK: do they matter?"Briefing No. 16, January 2006. Retrieved from on August 24, 2006. Extract:"Three-quarters of NorthernIreland’s Protestants regard themselves as British, but only 12per cent of Northern Ireland’s Catholics do so. Conversely, amajority of Catholics (65%) regard themselves as Irish, whilstvery few Protestants (5%) do likewise. Very few Catholics(1%) compared to Protestants (19%) claim an Ulster identitybut a Northern Irish identity is shared in broadly equalmeasure across religious traditions."Details from attitude surveys are in Demographics and politics of Northern Ireland. University of York Research Project 2002-2003 L219252024 - Public Attitudes to Devolution and National Identity in Northern Ireland Northern Ireland: Constitutional Proposals and the Problem of Identity, by J. R. ArcherThe Review of Politics, 1978 A changed Irish nationalism? The significance of the Belfast Agreement of 1998, by Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd

This does not however, account for the complex identities within Northern Ireland, given that many of the population regard themselves as "Ulster" or "Northern Irish", either primarily, or as a secondary identity. In addition, many regard themselves as both British and Irish. A 1999 survey showed that 51% of Protestants felt "Not at all Irish" and 41% only "weakly Irish" Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, 1999. Module:Community Relations. Variable:IRISH.

Symbols Today, Northern Ireland comprises a diverse patchwork of communities, whose national loyalties are represented in some areas by flags flown from lamp posts. The Union Flag and former governmental Flag of Northern Ireland therefore appear in some loyalist areas, with the Flag of the Republic of Ireland of the Republic of Ireland, the tricolour, appearing in some republican areas. Even curb (road) in some areas are painted red-white-blue or green-white-orange (or gold), depending on whether local people express unionist/loyalist or nationalist/republican sympathies.

The only official flag is the Union Flag. The former Northern Ireland Flag (also known as the "Ulster Banner" or "Red Hand Flag") was based on the arms of the former Parliament of Northern Ireland, and was used by the Government of Northern Ireland and its agencies between 1953 and 1972. The Ulster Banner has not been used by the government since the abolition of the Parliament of Northern Ireland under the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973. It remains, however used uniquely to represent Northern Ireland in certain sporting events. The arms from which the Ulster Banner derives were themselves based on the flag of Ulster.

The Union Flag and the Ulster Banner are typically only used by Unionists. Northern Irish flags from the World Flag Database Nationalists generally eschew symbols which uniquely represent Northern Ireland; some instead use the Flag of Ireland, particularly at sporting events. Many people, however, prefer to avoid flags altogether because of their divisive nature. Paramilitary groups on both sides have also developed their own flags. Some unionists also occasionally use the flags of secular and religious organisations to which they belong.

Some groups, including the Irish Rugby Football Union and the Church of Ireland have used the Flag of St. Patrick#Saint Patrick.27s Flag as a symbol of Ireland which lacks nationalist or unionist connotations. However, it is felt by some to be a loyalist flag, as it was used to represent Ireland when the whole island was part of the UK and is used by some British army regiments. Foreign flags are also found, such as the Palestinian territories flags in some Nationalist areas and Israeli flags in some Unionist areas, which represent general comparisons made by both sides with conflicts in the wider world.

The national anthem played at state events in Northern Ireland is "God Save the Queen". At some cross-community events, however, the "Londonderry Air" (also known as "Danny Boy") may be played as a neutral, though unofficial, substitute. At some sporting events, such as Gaelic Athletic Association matches the Irish national anthem Amhran na bhFiann is played.

At the Commonwealth Games, the Northern Ireland team uses the Ulster Banner as its flag and Danny Boy is used as its National Anthem. The Northern Ireland national football team also uses the Ulster Banner as its flag.http://www.fifa.com/en/organisation/confederations/associationdetails/0,1483,NIR,00.html?countrycode=NIR

Northern Irish murals have become well-known features of Northern Ireland, depicting past and present divisions. Almost 2,000 murals have been documented in Northern Ireland since the 1970s (see Conflict Archive on the Internet/Murals).

Geography and climate

Northern Ireland was covered by an ice sheet for most of the last ice age and on numerous previous occasions, the legacy of which can be seen in the extensive coverage of drumlins in Counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Antrim and particularly Down. The centrepiece of Northern Ireland's geography is Lough Neagh, at 151 square miles (392 km²) the largest freshwater lake both on the island of Ireland and in the British Isles. A second extensive lake system is centred on Lower and Upper Lough Erne in Fermanagh. The largest island of Northern Ireland is Rathlin Island, off the Antrim coast. Strangford Lough is the largest inlet in the British Isles, covering 150 km² (58 sq mi).

There are substantial uplands in the Sperrin Mountains (an extension of the Caledonian fold mountains) with extensive gold deposits, granite Mourne Mountains and basalt Antrim Plateau, as well as smaller ranges in South Armagh and along the Fermanagh–Tyrone border. None of the hills are especially high, with Slieve Donard in the dramatic Mournes reaching 848 m (2782 ft), Northern Ireland's highest point. Belfast's most prominent peak is Cave Hill. The volcanic activity which created the Antrim Plateau also formed the eerily geometric pillars of the Giant's Causeway on the north Antrim coast. Also in north Antrim are the Carrick-a-Rede Rope Bridge, Mussenden Temple and the Glens of Antrim.

The Lower and Upper River Bann, River Foyle and River Blackwater, Northern Ireland form extensive fertile lowlands, with excellent arable land also found in North and East Down, although much of the hill country is marginal and suitable largely for animal husbandry.

The valley of the River Lagan is dominated by Belfast, whose metropolitan area includes over a third of the population of Northern Ireland, with heavy urbanisation and industrialisation along the Lagan Valley and both shores of Belfast Lough.

The whole of Northern Ireland has a Maritime climate, rather wetter in the west than the east, although cloud cover is persistent across the region. The weather is unpredictable at all times of the year, and although the seasons are distinct, they are considerably less pronounced than in interior Europe or the eastern seaboard of North America. Average daytime maximums in Belfast are 6.5 °C (43.7 °F) in January and 17.5 °C (63.5 °F) in July. The damp climate and extensive deforestation in the 16th and 17th centuries resulted in much of the region being covered in rich green grassland.

Highest maximum temperature: 30.8 °C (87.4 °F) at Knockarevan, near Garrison, County Fermanagh on 30 June 1976 and at Belfast on 12 July 1983.

Lowest minimum temperature: -17.5 °C (0.5 °F) at Magherally, near Banbridge, County Down on 1 January 1979. British Meteorological Office figures

Counties .Northern Ireland consists of six Counties of Ireland:

These counties are no longer used for local government purposes; instead there are twenty-six districts of Northern Ireland which have different geographical extents, even in the case of those named after the counties from which they derive their name. Fermanagh District Council most closely follows the borders of the county from which it takes its name. Coleraine Borough Council, on the other hand, derives its name from the town of Coleraine in County Londonderry.

Cities There are 5 settlements with City status in the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland:

Towns and villages See also the list of places in Northern Ireland for all villages, towns and cities

Corbet

Variations in geographic nomenclature Many people inside and outside Northern Ireland use other names for Northern Ireland, depending on their point of view.

Unionist/Loyalist



Nationalist/Republican











Other



Use of language for geography mural (July 31, 2007).

Notwithstanding the ancient realm of Dal Riata which extended into Scotland, disagreement on names, and the reading of political symbolism into the use or non-use of a word, also attaches itself to some urban centres. The most famous example is whether Northern Ireland's second city should be called Derry-Londonderry name dispute.

Choice of language and nomenclature in Northern Ireland often reveals the cultural, ethnic and religious identity of the speaker. The first Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, Seamus Mallon, was criticised by unionist politicians for calling the region the "North of Ireland" while Sinn Féin has been criticised in some newspapers in the Republic for still referring to the "Six Counties". Sunday Independent article on Mallon and the use of "Six Counties".

Those who do not belong to any group but lean towards one side often tend to use the language of that group. Supporters of unionism in the British media (notably the Daily Telegraph and the Daily Express) regularly call Northern Ireland "Ulster".

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